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Friday, February 4, 2011

Islamic socialism...........Islamic socialism

Islamic socialism is a term coined by various muslim leaders to counter the demand at home for a more spiritual form of socialism. The real problem arises for muslim socialists when islamic scholars declare them to be atheist, it is at this stage that they tend to create a new brand of socialism called islamic socialism.


One of the very notable persons in this context was the Pakistani leader of Pakistan People's Party, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto . He promoted islamic socialism in order to calm down the people, after the islamic scholars had declared him and his system to be atheist.

Researches have however proved islamic economic system to be very close to that of the socialist theory. e.g both are against unearned income. Islam does allow private ownership but private ownership of natural resources and large industries are to be owned collectively.
Other notable proponents of islamic socialism include.
Islamic socialism, in some Islamic countries that experience to some extent a process of modernization, there were groups that tried to combine these two traditions in the pursuit of political efficacy. So it was with Halpern, “Muslims, used before a monistic concept of life, do not regard Marxism as a materialistic approach to life that rejects spiritual values, but rather as a new monistic philosophy, which projects spiritual values in a material. It is said that Prophet Muhammad had to overcome the ties of kinship and ancient polytheism to establish the community of believers. Currently, only Marxism seems radical enough to organize the community so that it can to address the need, loads and widespread injustice, when it sees the first real historic opportunity to overcome them.”

Islamic socialism, Muslims believe their faith was revealed in its complete form to the Prophet Muhammad, Islam has been difficult to adapt to social, economic, and political changes that began with the extension of colonial rule in the late nineteenth century. Some changes have occurred, however. A stress response was a return to orthodox Muslim traditions and Westernization totally oppose it. The Sufi brotherhoods were at the forefront of this movement, personified by Mohammed Abdullah Hassan Somalia in the early 1900s. Typically, the leaders of Islamic orders opposed the spread of Western education.

Islamic socialism, another response was to reform reinterpreting Islam. From this perspective, early Islam was seen as a protest against abuse, corruption, and inequality therefore reformers sought to prove that Muslim scriptures contained all elements needed to deal with modernization. To this school of thought belongs Islamic socialism, identified particularly with the Egyptian nationalist Gamal Abdul Nasser. His ideas appealed to a number of Somalis, especially those who had studied in Cairo in the 50’s and 60’s.

Islamic socialism, the 1961 constitution guaranteed freedom but also declared the republic independent Islamic state again. The first two governments of the post-independence paid lip service to the principles of Islamic socialism but made relatively few changes. The coup of October 21, 1969, installed a radical regime entrusted the profound change. Soon afterwards, Stella d’Ottobre, the official newspaper of the Supreme Revolutionary Council (SRC), published an editorial about relations between Islam and socialism and the differences between scientific and Islamic socialism.

Islamic socialism was said to have felt good to a servant of capitalism and neocolonialism and a tool manipulated by a privileged class, rich and powerful. In contrast, scientific socialism was based on the altruistic values that inspired genuine Islam. Religious leaders should therefore leave secular affairs to the new leaders who are striving for goals that conformed with Islamic principles. Soon after, the government arrested several protesting religious leaders and accused them of counterrevolutionary propaganda and of conniving with reactionary elements in the Arabian Peninsula. The authorities also dismissed several members of religious tribunals for corruption and incompetence.

When the three-year plan, 1971-1973, was released in January 1971, leaders felt obliged to SRC gain the support of religious leaders to transform the existing social structure. On September 4, 1971, Siad Bar begged more than 100 religious teachers to participate in building a new socialist society. He criticized his method of teaching in Qur’anic schools and charged some to use religion for personal gain.

Islamic socialism, the campaign for Islamic socialism intensified in 1972. On the occasion of Al Adha identification, the main Muslim festival associated with the pilgrimage, the president defined scientific socialism as half practical work and half ideological belief. He stated that the work and belief were compatible with Islam because the exploitation and sentenced Qur’an that provided money and compassion, unity, and promoted cooperation between Muslims. But he stressed the distinction between religion as an ideological tool for the manipulation of energy and as a moral force. He condemned the antireligious attitude of Marxists. Religion, Siad bar that was an integral part of the Somali worldview, but it belonged in the private sphere, whereas scientific socialism dealt with material concerns such as poverty. Religious leaders should exercise their moral influence but refrain from interfering in political or economic.

In early January 1975, echoing the message of equality, justice, and social progress contained in the Qur’an, the bar Siad announced a new family law that gave women the right to inherit an equal basis with men. Some Somalis believe the law was proof that the SRC wanted to undermine the basic structure of Islamic society. In Mogadishu twenty-three religious leaders protested inside their mosques. They were arrested and charged with acting at the instigation of a foreign power and violation of state security, ten were executed. Most religious leaders, however, remained silent. The government continued to organize training courses for the shaykhs in scientific socialism.

The view of orthodox Marxism-Leninism on Islamic socialism is not as favorable. Considers that, in some cases, “Islamic socialism is a wrapper that hides the ideological interests of a ruling class.” In other cases, “expresses the aspiration of a society to equality and justice” and postulated “claims of an anti-colonial and anti-feudal”.

A similar approach is found in Klaus von Beyme stating that “Mao’s thesis that the U.S. and the USSR seem to be increasingly” assume “an ideology of Chinese as a great power chauvinism, which is attributed leadership over color and poor people” “The main danger of this view is not entirely without reason, the abuse of so-called ‘national bourgeoisie’
The author then discusses two major kinds of solidarity-moral solidarity and material solidarity. The interaction between the two 'strengthens the spirit of cooperation and focuses attention around one core which unifies varied directions and prevails over all interests. In the case of material solidarity, Islam insists that it is the duty of the rich to help poor and disabled relatives, that the people in one district must live together supporting and cooperating with each other and that the state treasury must contribute to the support of those who need help. In other words, the author continues to say, al-takaful al-ijtimai in Islam is moral as well as material cooperation which functions on three socio-cultural levels of integration-the small family level, the district or village level, and the national level.

In another section, the author presents a discussion in which he compares the materialistic and moralistic societies. He distinguishes the moralistic society as that which is based on sufism and sufist behavior-that is, denial of material desires and living a spiritual life. The moralistic society is that "whose experiences do not submit to any logical measurement or proof. Rather, it submits to spiritual perceptions and divine upwellings of the heart, which are the main source of calm and security."
With regard to communism, Islam sees it the same way as it sees capitalism. The author believes that the gap 'between Islam and communism is much wider and much deeper simply because the teachings of communism are completely the opposite of Islamic teaching. Communism is based on a materialistic philosophy, and its economy is based on the assumption that society is everything, contrary to Islamic teaching which gives much attention to the individual who in turn is expected to carry out his obligation toward the society. Furthermore, while communism conceives that the economic factor is the thing that makes society function and regulates its relationships, Islam does not believe that life is nothing but economics, nor is economics the only tool for solving social problems. Islam emphasizes spiritual and moral values. Moreover, while communism does not believe in individual ownership, Islam does not deny it and it established all legitimate means to acquire it as long as it is useful for both the individual and society.

From all this, the author comes to the conclusion that the Muslim society is both a materialistic and moralistic society. Because Islam is related to a divine belief, it is an interwoven unit which aims at moral goals as well as general human interest. Accordingly, Islam has established its reform principles on human reality: body and soul.

Having presented the 'religious' point of view on the concept of al-takaful al-ijtimai, one example of a secular interpretation of the, same concept must follow. A little book by Ismail Mazhar  approaches the concept al-takaful from a purely scientific angle. Mazhar starts his first chapter with a definition of al-takaful as the transition from the stage of human inability to the stage of ability.


 In elaborating this, he uses the term 'symbiosis' as equivalent to the Arabic takaful. In organic life, al-takaful is "an example of coexistence in which the life of one creature depends on the life of another to the extent that both lives are coexistently related to one another, and interests are shared among them.

After a brief review of the development of capitalism and communism, Mazhar reaches the conclusion that both systems are destructive to an important aspect of social life, namely the individual. The individual is important to the society because his freedom protects group development; the group is necessary for the individual, but its authority over him must not deprive the society of the influence of the individual. Thus, there must exist a social system on the basis of al-takaful between the individual and society, integrating both together without the supremacy of one over the other.

He then raises the question of whether or not a social system can be established which is formed on the basis of a mutual feeling of responsibility in which all segments of society feel that they are supporter; as well as supported, a system which makes mutual support among the segments of the society a matter of supporting the very structure of the society itself, leading to its survival as a complete unit.

In his review of the history of great civilizations, it is interesting to notice that Mazhar comes to the conclusion that the developmental steps with which man stepped forward indicate that he is moving with his culture in the direction of a system of al-takaful al-ijtimai, "The cultures which flourished in ancient times were due mostly to the prevalence of the spirit of al-takaful and their disintegration was due to its weakness."   This leads him to the definition of nationalism. To Mazhar, nationalism is "a feeling of al-takaful al-ijtimai which give the individual the feeling that he is more honored and has a better place 'in his society than in any other society."   While seeing communism as the oppression of the individual by fanatic socialists, and capitalism as the domination of the individual over the group, he focuses attention on the positive value of 'equality' (al-musawa). In explaining this notion, he uses scientific terms, such as mufadala (the difference in ability of some people over others) and al-tafdil (natural selection). He accuses the communists of misinterpreting the term 'equality.' In the world of living things, no two individuals, two trees or two flowers enjoy perfect equality. However, if communism arose on a false concept called 'equality,' it is no doubt in a transition period which will ultimately lead to a takaful system.

What, then, stands against the achievement of al-takaful al-ijtimai? Mazhar lists six obstacles:
1. The domination of individual or group interests.
2. Social parasitism.   ("...  types of individuals who have tried to obtain the necessities of life from other individuals without making any productive effort equal to what they consumed.")
3. Rigidity of social systems. (That is, slavery under unchanging
laws.)
4. Unequal life opportunities.
5. The conflict of responses and their harmony. There are people who burst out in destructive revolts disproportionate to the stimuli which caused them. Others surrendered and yielded to conditions which they could easily have rejected and thus freed themselves.
6. The converging of opposites.  (This is manifested in the collaboration of higher authorities-the governmental and the religious powers-to suppress freedom and repress thought.)

Finally, how can the takaful be achieved? In Mazhar's opinion, the realization of al-takaful al-ijtimai rests on two important pillars.   The first is legislation for the sake of regulating the needs of the society. In order to avoid social retardation, such legislation must not be inspired by a tyrant or be the outcome of his will, nor should it be inspired by the supernatural. In other words, the law must be the outcome of the will of the society. This is the core around which the ties of al-takaful converge and without which society disintegrates.

The second pillar is a moral-idealistic one. In explaining this, Mazhar reviews the early history of the Islamic State. He says: "During the 'first phase of Islam, I mean the phase during which the Muslims believed that the slate was the property of each one of them and that religion was for God, the Muslim State was able to defeat the two greatest empires, the Persian and the Byzantine, in a short time"   because it was a state built on the concept of al-takaful, the complex which "united the Muslims and was supported by the conviction of every Muslim that he was part and parcel of the state, that the state was his state and that Islam was a religion which had no judge but God."  When corruption crept into the new state, and when the complex of al-takaful between individuals was dissolved and replaced by a despotic state, the Muslim State disintegrated and collapsed.

These three writers, by defining and analyzing al-takaful al-ijtimai, make it clear what kind of society advocates of al-takaful are looking for. If al-takaful al-ijtimai or al-ishtirakiyva is one of the major outcomes of the socialist ideology, it becomes necessary to perceive it in the light of Islam as a religion. A comparison with Christian influences upon the development of socialism in the West would be of interest. The only point to which we can draw attention here is the issue of separation of 'state' and 'religion.' If the Christian West has succeeded in separating the State from the Church, it would seem that Islam can do the same but in a more limited sense, at least for the time being. What seems to be taking place now in socialist Egypt is the creation of a welfare state: based on secular arguments as well as arguments derived from Islamic teaching.

Finally, it should be stressed that the notion of socialism is not alien to the Arab culture as a whole. Asabiyya (clannishness) and al-aila (the family) belong to the typical Arab cultural patterns. Furthermore, the principle of sharing things is not only demanded by Islam, but is also advocated by Arabic proverbs, stories and legends. The heart of the matter seems to rest in today's challenge of a reinterpretation of Islam in order to meet the demands of the twenty-first century.Socialism refers to the economic system envisioned by Karl Marx and Vladimir Lenin, in which production and distribution of wealth within a country is controlled by the government.1 Lenin was a Russian revolutionary who came to power in 1917, nationalizing the banks and ordering the redistribution of land and resources throughout Russia.
‘Generalised want’ was particularly acute in Central Asia. Practically, this meant that women who broke out of repressive family situations faced starvation as they had literally no alternative means of support. Even if the economic means had existed to lift the domestic burden from women and to allow them an independent economic role, there is no doubt that the new workers’ state would still have faced resistance, particularly in the economically backward areas where the working class did not yet exist. However, as Trotsky describes, over a period of time, on the basis of the resources being provided, the overwhelming majority would have come to understand the advantages of women’s liberation.
Well, so much better is that the people of Egypt could be free out of the government could have them shackled throughout all these years. Whether or not the Islamic socialism is going to save Egypt, it’s always interesting to be discovered.

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